Book Reviews
PSC 320. Environmental Politics and Policy
Bryant, B. and Mohai, P. (Ed) (1992). Race and
the incidence of environmental hazards: A time for discourse. Westview
Press, Inc., Boulder.
Book Review by Amira Beaird
Race and The Incidence of Environmental Hazards: A Time for Discourse, edited by Bunyan Bryant and Paul Mohai, documents various environmental injustices and their connection to predominantly minority communities. Here, Mohai and Bryant answer the question, “What does race have to do with the environment?” This book identifies the problem, supplies evidence, and suggests methods of solution. Each chapter features a different author and thus becomes a combination of seventeen different writers giving points and suggesting steps that need to be taken by the affected people as well as the public. It furnishes a fresh look into the concept of environmental racism for the beginning researcher.
The beginning chapters are dedicated to giving background information and bringing the reader up to date about a number of communities that currently oppose the existing landfills in their backyards. The Civil Rights Movement is given credit for some of the methods currently used by the environmental organizations. Bryant and Mohai believe that more minorities than ever are teaching and learning about environmental issues and their important connection to their communities. The myth of indifference by affected minority communities is thrown out, and an argumentative rationale supplied. Dorceta Taylor proposes that many minorities are confronted with issues such as poverty and unemployment. Such issues rob them of the luxury of being primarily concerned with the state of their environment. They are much more focused on day-to-day survival. She suggests that the environmental movement must change its face to attract the attention of the minorities by dealing with issues of survival and basic need. Another writer suggests that the government perpetuates the discriminatory pollution of minority communities with the logic of the “least cost option.” Mohai and Bryant speak for the communities, when they ask, “Are the costs borne by the black community imposed to spare the larger community?” They are suggesting that the wastes produced by the entire community become the burden of minorities. The health effects and statistics clearly lay grounds for such accusations.
Finally specific international cases suggest that environmental issues are not just a domestic problem. The editors bring to light documented international and invisible racism that has affected the lives of people of color worldwide.
The concluding thought is that the fight is not a task for any one group of people, but for a collective groups on many occupational levels. This book outlines the principles of importance relevant to the struggle against environmental injustice. It challenges the reader to go beyond environmental injustice and confront all levels of government about issues like poverty and unemployment that allow such discrimination. Bryant and Mohai propose that the fight against environmental injustice primarily involve the pursuit of living spaces that are safe for people to grow and develop without being threatened by pollutants.
Bryner, G. (2001). Gaia’s wager: Environmental movements
and the challenge of sustainability. Lanham: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers,
Inc.
Book Review by Eva Lewis
Gaia's Wager: Environmental Movements and the Challenge of Sustainability by Gary C. Bryner (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 2001) addresses the issues surrounding the necessary transformation from current levels of environmental practices to a heightened degree of sustainable protections for the environment. These issues can be broken down into three categories: the current political capacity for responding to environmental threats, the effectiveness of environmental policies, and the improvements needed in the political structure to effectively resolve environmental problems. Throughout the book a comparative analysis of environmental policies developed between the United States and the world, along with statistics providing a sound foundation for the shift from current environmentalism to sustainability in environmental reform.
Since 1970, global environmental problems have undergone tremendous improvements,
but the last several decades have not seen any further improvement. Bryner
states that increased population growth, climate change, and water resources
are only a few of the problems challenging the environment. He argues that
radical change is needed to transform the policies and the individuals’
private behavior of a nation. Such change is possible through environmentalism,
a social movement that should eventually transition into a goal of sustainability.
In the United States, the social movement will not progress further because
of the following problems: The less problematic problems have been solved
while the more challenging ones remain; the educational system has not taught
the public the importance of the ecological system; economic gains have come
through the degradation of the environment and the opportunistic exercise
of political forces. All of these problems, according to Bryner, demonstrate
that the American society is not ready to challenge 21st century environmental
problems.
Globally, within the last several decades, there has been increasing interest
in the environment, which has stimulated the organizing of interest groups
to effect change in the environment through politics. Environmental politics
is different across nations, but overall these groups have placed several
issues, such as air and water pollution, as well as the preservation and conservation
of lands, on the agenda of governments and lobbied successfully. Local activisms
through grass roots organizations have a significant impact upon the local
community, but more has to been done on the national and international levels.
Bryner discusses the importance of improving political structures to effectively
resolve environmental problems. He suggests the further implementation of
Agenda 21 in the use of international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),
in order for them to have a greater influence on environmental policy-making.
Also, these NGOs need to be coordinated and need an overarching body so that
environmental issues are on the agenda at the highest levels of government
policy-making.
A case study of the complicated issue of climate change by Bryner highlights
the main obstacle to addressing climate change as energy use, because all
aspects of business use energy to make profit. He believes that a major catastrophe
will make people change to an ecologically sustainable society. Additionally,
we need greater participation from the public, values geared towards sustainability,
measurement of progress, and the sharing of ideas between communities to promote
sustainability. Also, self-interest is a major factor in the public organizing
together to improve the environment.
Bryner’s book contends that environmentalism must evolve into a social
movement that will transform the values and practices of human beings for
ecological sustainability to take effect. Throughout the book he focuses on
sustainability, but never defines what sustainability should be in the future.
Overall, he incorporates into the book all of the actors, problems, and international
organizations that must together bring about sustainability.
Bullard, Robert D. (2004) Confronting environmental
racism: Voices from the grassroots. Boston: South End Press.
Book Review by Anastasia Cunningham
Confronting Environmental Racism: Voices from the Grassroots, edited by Robert D. Bullard (Boston, MA: South End Press 1993), documents the concerns and actions of communities of color who are disproportionately exposed to greater environmental risks than other populations within the Untied States. The book focuses on people of color and their role in the environmental justice movement. Utilizing several incidents from Virginia, Alabama, and even Colorado, Bullard reveals the sheer determination of the “politically powerless” to fight the designation of their communities as the dumping ground for all that is environmentally unsafe and hazardous.
In the first chapter, Bullard outlines the environmental problems facing communities
of color, reveals why the traditional movement proves inadequate to address
such problems, and acknowledges the importance of grassroots groups in the
environmental justice movement. Bullard’s belief that blatant racism
is often the force behind the environmental justice gap between nonwhites
and whites is a central theme throughout the book. He traces the lack of environmental
justice to the United States’ long history of white supremacy and racism.
Despite the bleak past and present, Bullard insists that grassroots groups
can make a difference. The book details the actions of the United States toward
African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans and Pacific Islanders in the
environmental justice movement, who for a long while were not considered to
active participants in environmental issues. One of the best features of this
book is that it dispels the myth that people of color are not concerned with
environmental issues. Clearly, this book demonstrates that environmental risks
are a priority in communities of color and that people of color are willing
to stand up for what they believe in. People of color want clean air, clean
water, and environmentally safe neighborhoods for their children.
Bullard’s book conveys the global threat to people of color that environmental
degradation creates. Unfortunately, the United States is not the only country
that fails to provide environmental justice for all its citizens. Globally,
people of color suffer environmental and health risks more than anyone else.
If such practices are allowed to continue, the political, economic and social
ramifications may be far worse than we can imagine. In conclusion, Bullard’s
book examines the role of government in the environmental justice movement.
Although the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) issues reports regarding
environmental equity, such reports do not always convey the full nature of
the problems facing people of color in their struggle to combat environmental
racism. The book suggests that there is a need for interaction between government,
grassroots groups, and people of color for any real chance to solve environmental
racism.
Camacho, D. (Ed.). (1998). Environmental injustices,
political struggles: Race, class, and the environment. Durham, North
Carolina: Duke University Press.
Book Review by Tanisha Cowan
Environmental Injustices, Political Struggles: Race, Class, and the Environment, edited by David E. Camacho, focuses on the subject of environmental justice and examines the political and social aspects of environmental problems. The aim of the editor and featured writers is to inspire readers to think about environmental injustices and possible solutions. Part I approaches the topic of environmental justice with a theoretical framework based on the political process model. Part II discusses the factors contributing to the causes and consequences of environmental injustices. Part III “addresses possible ways of dealing with the environmental problems disproportionately affecting people of color and low socioeconomic groups” (p.5). Finally, Part IV stresses the importance of how these problems are addressed by policymakers and business interests.
The political process model gives a framework for analyzing a movement’s
(in this case, environmental justice movement) entire development instead
of a particular phase. The political process model is based on elite theory,
which “argues that there are essentially two major groups in society:
a small group of powerful elites and the powerless masses. Under elite theory,
people of color and the working poor are part of the powerless mass”
(p.16). Three factors imperative for a successful social movement, identified
by the political process model are (1) the political opportunities afforded
excluded groups within the larger political environment, (2) the level of
organization within the excluded group, and (3) the collective assessment
of the prospects for successful insurgency within that same group. Camacho
agrees with Peter Eisinger that shifts in the political (social and economic)
system, which are disruptive of the status quo, provide political opportunities.
His example of such a shift involves the movement of large numbers of southern
Blacks to the industrial centers of the urban East Coast during World War
II. In reference to the level of organization within the excluded group, he
relates it to the degree of organizational readiness. He believes that the
group’s capacity to exploit political opportunities depends on their
resources such as group size, financial resources, social status, cohesiveness,
effective leadership, political knowledge, and intensity. Camacho makes a
great statement on mobilization. “Mobilization does not occur through
recruitment of large numbers of isolated and solitary individuals. Rather,
it is a result of recruiting prospective members who are already highly organized
and active” (p.23).
In the second part of the book, “Environmental Injustices,” Harvey L. White states that environmental hazards pose a greater health threat than the AIDS virus. He argues that, in reference to the AIDS virus, individuals can restrict their exposure to AIDS or take protective measures to minimize the risk. However, in reference to environmental hazards, individuals cannot limit their exposure to the contaminated or polluted air, food, and water, which are necessary for survival. Also, he states that there are no protective measures “readily available” (p.61) to minimize the risk of contact with these hazards. His proof of the existence of environmental injustices is based on the results of numerous studies conducted from 1967-1993 on the distribution of environmental hazards. The studies are listed in a table on p. 62 and include the year of observation, author, types of hazards, geographic focus, and the disparity present (race and/or income). Eighty-seven percent of the studies discovered racial disparities, and seventy-four percent of the studies discovered income disparities. The environmental hazards include toxic waste/pollution; air pollution, hazardous waste sites, and incinerators across the nation and in both urban and rural areas. White offers an explanation for the more frequent selection of communities of color and the poor for the siting of environmental hazards. This explanation is related to a set of syndrome behaviors: Not in My Election Year (NIMEY), Not in My Term of Office (NIMTOO), Put It in Their Backyard (PIITBY), Not in My Backyard (NIMBY), and Why in My Backyard (WIMBY). He classifies NIMBY’s as those persons who organize, march, sue, and petition to block developers who they believe are threatening to them. NIMBY’s can be described as proactive. White argues that communities of color and poor usually exhibit the WIMBY syndrome because they are usually more reactive than proactive. He attributes this behavior to the fact that these communities “usually do not have the resources, or contacts, to initiate or sustain the proactive behavior found in more affluent communities,” and neither “do they have the contacts in government and industry necessary to become involved during the preplanning and planning stages for the siting of environmental hazards” (p.70).
The third section of the book, “Confronting Environmental Injustices,”
examines the ways in which indigenous women from grassroots organizations
and traditional or mainstream environmental organizations approach the issue
of environmental justice are analyzed and discussed. Qualitative data from
personal interviews of twelve indigenous women from grassroots organizations
were used as evidence to prove conclusions. All grassroots organizations empower
community members through leadership training, education, promoting consensus
building, shared decision making, and community participation in goal setting
and policy formation. He adds that mainstream environmental organizations
are popular for their success in protecting the environment in the “wilderness.”
Peter J. Longo, a contributing writer, argues that partnerships between grassroots
organizations and national mainstream environmental organizations could be
mutually beneficial. The mainstream organizations can and increasingly do
give technical advice, expert testimony, direct financial assistance, fundraising,
research, and legal assistance to grassroots organizations. The grassroots
organizations (or people of color and the poor) can provide mainstream groups
with an immediate electoral advantage at the local level, enhance its national
reputation and add to its membership.
In the last section of the book, “Environmental Justice,” Contributing
writer, Mary M. Timney, analyzed the results of a study conducted by the Ohio
Environmental Council in the summer of 1993. The purpose of the study is to
identify some parameters of the environmental justice problems in Ohio and
examine state and local policies that tend to perpetuate them. The results
of this study were used to uphold Timney’s argument that regardless
of the past, “what truly matters is how the problems are addressed by
policy-makers and business interests in the present” (p. 181). Environmental
Injustices, Political Struggles: Race, Class, and the Environment, edited
by David E. Camacho, is a reader friendly book for college students because
it addresses an audience with backgrounds that may be scientific, political,
etc. In relevance to the Environmental Politics and Policy course at Spelman
College, this book is a great tool for focusing on the topic of environmental
justice because it covers the political and social issues involved in the
distribution of environmental hazards.
When Smoke Ran Like Water by Devra Davis is a very personal story,
a gendered analysis that includes arguments about nationality, ageism, and
injustice resulting from regional location and socioeconomic status. The subject
of the book focuses mainly on the efforts of politicians and executives in
major corporations to cover up the health risks of living in a society that
does too little to prevent citizens from becoming ill and dying from exposure
to toxic chemicals. This subject is made broad with examples that spread from
the small town of Donora, Pennsylvania, and its establishment in the early
1950’s, to the nationally recognized Mexico City environmental conference
of 1999, to discussions on China and its need to get nine of its cities off
the top 10 highest pollution list. This book showed examples of many places
with air pollution. The author contrasted places that housed one class versus
another, or one generation versus another, but her argument seemed to boil
down to locations, types of industrialization going on around them, and the
wealth and corruption of politicians who took measures to cover up information
that the public had a right to know. The scope of the book displayed the long
term negative health effects caused by air pollution, and the book attempts
to show that pollution sees no color, age, or race but is something with long-term
effects. Its scope is also to maximize awareness about the difficulties surrounding
recording data about environmentally induced illness and death. The purpose
of the book is to document and share the grave reality that the elite group
of people with economic and political power try to cover up the problems and
their lasting effects on a world full of people who witness clouds of smoke
that “run like water” over their neighborhoods and cities. The
purpose is also to address the need for change and the need for citizens to
take a stand.
The author’s hypothesis is that air pollution takes lives at an alarming
rate. Because air pollution is rarely seen as a cause of death (formally),
it has gone unchecked and has caused the deaths of many people since the beginning
of the industrial age. Davis’s hypothesis includes notions that the
government of many societies takes drastic measures to silence media and activists
so that the public does not become aware of air pollution dangers. Lastly,
the author’s hypothesis includes influences that cause citizens to overlook
the problem and allow powerful figures to mask the realities. These variables
include loss of jobs and incomes when coal mills are shut down, inability
to relocate, loss of homes and communities built by citizens, and the fear
of being ostracized for taking a stand. The evidence used to support the hypothesis
began with the deaths that the author experienced in her own family. Also,
the author’s investigation was triggered by her experiences growing
up in Donora, Pennsylvania, a town that housed many toxic mills polluting
both air and water. The evidence includes statistical data including the mysterious
deaths of people who live within a certain radius of mills and factories.
The studies of Donora, Pennsylvania; Mexico City, Mexico; and multiple cities
in China show that people have long term effects from air pollution and water
pollution. Also the author pinpoints strong evidence about how pollution is
linked to women with breast cancer and men who have a problem producing little
boys. Many more female children are being born in this historical time-frame
of the 60’s and 70’s, and men are having more sexual erection
problems than ever. These men usually work in or around the mills that are
producing toxic coal, zinc, and other minerals and chemicals that are affecting
the bloodstream of the men. Also, the author uses studies validated by authorities
such as the World Health Organization, American Cancer Society, American Chemical
Society, World Resources Institute, Toxic Substances Advisory Committee and
the Environmental Protection Agency. In a Breast Cancer Mortality study, the
author shows that numbers are higher in the northeast region of the U.S. as
well as in some west coast cities. These are places that house mills and include
more industrialization than inland states. She also shows evidence of the
rise of penile defects, undescended testes, and testicular cancer since the
1960’s in these particular regions. It proves inarguable that rates
of cancer are greater in certain cities than others. Pollution is also greater
in these cities than in others.
The author concludes that, with courage, statistics, effective documentation, persistence, knowledge, and education, we can change the way the world views issues of environmental health. The author asserts that appropriate knowledge and correct numbers are the answer to finding information on cancers, heart disease, and other fatal illnesses that affect those who work in mills as well as those who live far away from them. With support from major corporations that recognize it is more healthy and cost effective in the long run to produce environmentally safe products, citizens will increase participation in the struggle. The author agrees that more work is needed but also acknowledges how far the global community has come to recognizing and distributing truth to those who live in the dark.
The argument is logically sound. Many unexplained illnesses and mysterious
deaths substantiate the author’s argument, which insists that one cannot
fight with numbers. Once numbers are actually recorded and documented effectively,
a clear picture begins to emerge about who is affected most from air pollution.
These numbers show that it is those suffer most who live in particular areas
that are close to particular activities. I assert that it would still be quite
difficult to assess how air pollution determines life expectancy even if data
were better documented in the life and death of those exposed to it.
The evidence in the book was based on actual scientific studies that were conducted by scholars. The evidence was global and gender balanced. There were entire chapters dedicated to two of the biggest issues that we are facing in the twenty-first century, breast cancer in women and reproductive health in men. Davis utilizes other resources on the subjects and ties that information in with her own knowledge of environmental studies to create a linkage to two of today’s major issues. Above all else, the evidence proves that more research and activism are needed if we plan to locate and find causes of cancers and deaths that are mysteriously appearing in massive amounts. The conclusion that Davis presents in the book follows the course of the evidence and data. This book includes just as much of an autobiographical viewpoint as a scientific analysis. Davis includes many historical events that have been explored in media and education. From information about the holocaust to landfills in Anniston, Alabama, Davis presents so many historical events that anyone, regardless of gender, age, religion, nationality, or race, can relate to at least one historical event in the book. Although this book did not talk much about the policy surrounding environmental issues that have been discussed in this class, it did take an interesting approach to discussing the politics and political leaders’ efforts to cover up information leading to environmental justice. Davis discussed in great detail how politicians used tactics for not disclosing information to the public.
McCain, John C & Sadiq, Muhammad (1993) The Gulf War aftermath:
An environmental tragedy. Kluwer Academic Publishers
Book Review by Anita Haynes
The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2nd of 1990 marked the beginning of the Gulf War involving Iraq and the USA. The Gulf War resulted in a massive loss of life and large-scale destruction of the environment in the Gulf area. Although the war ended on February 28th, 1999, the environmental effects can still be seen in the Gulf today. The Gulf War Aftermath discusses the environmental consequences of the Gulf War and its effects on the ecosystems of the Gulf area. The book investigates the environmental impacts of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on land, air and sea quality. The book is divided into seven chapters dealing with the Impact of the War on the Marine Environment; The Environmental Impact of the Kuwait Oil Fires; Air Pollution from Military Operations; The Impacts of Gulf War on land resources, and Human Health and Gulf crisis. The two authors of the book, Muhammad Sadiq and John McCain, are connected with the Research Institute of King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. The Meteorology and Environmental Protection Agency (MEPA) of Saudi Arabia is responsible for providing a substantial amount of funding to the research Institute of King Fahd University of Petroleum and Materials. The bulk of the research used in the book came from this organization, instrumental in dealing with environmental crisis that was the Gulf War.
The main objective of the book is to address the impact of the war on the ‘marine and terrestrial’ environments; the book also looks at the consequences of the war on sea water, air quality (as a result of the Kuwait oil fires) and ground level air pollution. The book highlights the effects and the results of war outside of politics and shows how the environment is often overlooked when strategic decisions are being made. The authors point out that much of the pollution and destruction caused by the war were carried out intentionally, using the example of the ‘the scorched earth policy’ (under this policy the Iraqi regime deliberately set alight many of the oil wells in Kuwait) which had disastrous effects on the ground-level and atmospheric air quality levels in Kuwait and went on to affect neighboring countries such as Saudi Arabia. They also discuss the repercussions of military action on the land from the uses of ammunitions, mines and other military equipment. The desert soil and vegetation were destroyed by the use of military hardware and material waste.
The suggested argument made in the book seems logical as we often fail to look at the effect of war on the environment until after the damage has been done. The authors point out that, because of the lack of transparency in government policies in both countries, a higher level of civilian deaths resulted from the conflict. The book effectively captures both the political and scientific environment of the time, comparing the predictions made by scientists about the possible effects of the war with the current condition of the environment after the war. Both authors warn about the secrecy surrounding the use of hazardous chemicals during the conflict and the possible effects of such chemicals. They also mention the impact of the UN embargo against Iraq on the environment but lack substantial evidence to make any real claims about the extent to which the Embargo affected the health of the Iraqi people. The authors also mention the health implications of chemical weapons but had little evidence to emphasize the effects such chemicals had on the people of Iraq and Kuwait.
The arguments are mainly supported by scientific data from the research institute. The book draws on a wide range of research, which makes its claims more legitimate, as the authors provide scientific evidence in favor of most of their arguments. All the evidence from the research is used to point out the disastrous environmental effects of the Gulf conflict. For example, there is a study in the book that highlights the increasing presence of n-alkanes found in the tissue of certain fish in the Gulf area and the deterioration of the fish quality. In certain areas the authors make generalizations for which they admit there is little clear evidence. Both authors have pointed out the difficulty of acquiring information about effects of military operations as the militaries of both countries are very secretive. In terms of finding out the real impact of actual military operations, the lack of military transparency has made obtaining evidence and scientific proof very difficult.
In a discussion of environmental degradation, it is important to look at all contributing factors. This book makes an important contribution to environmental studies by giving a working example of how war has damaged the environment. In Hiroshima and Nagasaki we saw the disastrous effects of the A-bomb not only on human life but also on the environment. In many respects significant bodies of evidence have been found which prove the lasting effects of radioactivity caused by the bomb and the effect of these on human life and the surrounding ecosystems. This book is important, as we must understand that all of our actions have an impact on our environment. Decision makers especially need to be mindful of that fact. With the current action of the Bush administration of 2003 in Iraq the book highlights some other important issues that need to be considered, for analyzing the strategic policy. What effect does air bombing have on the environment? How much of a health risk do such bombs pose to innocent civilians? How long after the conflict will these civilians be suffering from the consequences of such military actions? All these questions and many more can be answered to some extent from studying the impact of past conflicts on the environment. In relation to this course, Environmental Politics and Policy, the book provides interesting information for those interested in Environmental Justice. For example, we must ask whether we really liberating the people of Iraq if, for years to come, they will be suffering from the side effects of toxic chemicals used during the conflict? On the whole this book is useful and makes a contribution to the field of environmental politics.